Here’s part two in what may become a series of “Rah Rah!” pro-McCain posts. What can I say? There are a lot of people out there who need some persuading.
The American Thinker thinks conservatives may be in the process of cutting off their noses to spite their faces:
Perhaps because I’m a neocon, and not a dyed-in-the-wool, native-born conservative, I look at John McCain, with all his flaws, and still think that he’s a pretty darn good candidate for our time. More importantly, I think that Obama is a very dangerous candidate precisely because of the time in which we live. I therefore find disturbing the number of conservative purists who insist that they’re going to teach John McCain — and everyone else, dammit! — a lesson, either by sitting out the election or by throwing their vote away on a third party candidate. This is a kind of political game that may be fun to play in uninteresting eras, but I think it’s suicidal given the pivotal existential issues we now face.
Read the whole thing. There are differences in the candidates; big ones that can have monumental repercussions if the wrong person is elected.
Come drink the sweet koolaid with me.
Hat tip: Astute Bloggers
UPDATE:
Ed Morrissey at Hot Air has some nice stuff to say about McCain too:
For those who have yet to read McCain’s memoirs, the description of his treatment gets fairly graphic. The narrative will cause readers to wonder how any of the men survived, and McCain reminds us that some didn’t. Some news accounts now have McCain only getting tortured in the beginning of his captivity, but that isn’t true; it ebbed and flowed depending on the political and military situation. It didn’t improve appreciably until the Nixon administration started allowing released POWs to tell the truth about their treatment, something the Johnson administration had resisted. The embarrassment forced Hanoi to clean up its act, at least for a while.
McCain also credits Nixon for his release in an interesting way. He understood, even when in the POW camp, that negotiations alone would not end the war. The Communists had to fear defeat before they would negotiate in good faith, and Johnson had never given them that fear. Nixon’s political risk in bombing Hanoi did the trick, and McCain admired Nixon for taking that risk in order to do what was right in the war — even if Nixon failed to do what was right with Watergate.
That sounds similar to George Bush sticking with Iraq in 2004, and McCain sticking with Iraq in 2008. If one wonders whether he is sincere in saying that he would rather lose an election than lose a war, they can read this passage and see McCain’s commitment to it. He credits that impulse with getting him home in 1973.